Of Nazi Pugs and Soviet Pigs
In Scotland, a hate crime trial is currently being held over a “grossly offensive” incident last year, in which a local yob persuaded his ugly and defective pet beast to pay homage to a murderous 20th century regime. The defendant is the Chief Constable in command of Police Scotland, a notoriously defective police force, which has previously been known to arrest people for internet comments but leave young women to die in mortal emergencies. He has been accused of a hate crime for his sick impersonation of an NKVD commissar, in which he not only disrespected the memory of millions of victims of the Soviet regime, but actually sent thugs in uniforms to harass and imprison a man for saying something he didn’t like. The defence pleads the case for treating the event and the police force in question as a bad joke, but local people continue to express disgust at the lack of taste, especially as the offending behaviour was made at the defendant’s workplace…
…Whoops! Sorry, that doesn’t quite sound like the wonderful free democratic society of modern Britain, does it? Let’s try again.
What actually happened was that a 30-year-old call centre worker was arrested by Police Scotland last year, after uploading a YouTube video in which he trained his girlfriend’s pet pug to act like a Nazi. Despite having explained, both in and after the video, that the video was intended as a joke to annoy his girlfriend, Mark Meechan has been forced out of his job onto benefits and is now standing trial for hate crime with a maximum sentence of one year in prison. A typically yobbish journo for the Sun
newspaper comic strip illustrated toilet roll has described him as a “yob” and thrown in some other random words such as “horrendous” and “revolting”. In an evident bid to dispel negative stereotypes about Jews, such as hypocrisy and lack of moral concern for the goyim, the director of the ‘Scottish Council of Jewish Communities’ has appeared at the trial to reminisce about German concentration camps while doing his darndest to get Meechan locked up in a cell.
This latest example of internet censorship in Britain cannot fail to bring to mind another pioneer of anti-Semitic comedy on these shores, the Jewish comedian Sacha Baron-Cohen, whose ‘Borat’ character sang “Throw the Jew Down the Well” and threw money at a pair of insects representing a Jewish couple. Instead of a hate crime trial and a disqualification from earning a living, Baron-Cohen got a Golden Globe and over $261 million at the box office for his 2006 Borat movie, which was screened all over Britain with nary a disapproving gendarme in sight. Most people on the Alt-Right would see this as yet another example of Jewish power and privilege in the West – and as far as this analysis goes, there is nothing at all wrong with it.
But let us widen our view further than this, for there is more to be understood here. For one thing, contrary to some people’s conception, the Jews are not a hive-minded Borg: recall that Baron-Cohen’s movie was censured by no less an authority than the so-called Anti-Defamation League, but that this organisation’s notorious leader managed to refrain from blacklisting him for hate crime. Moreover, when the gentry-descended feminist politician Harriet Harman recently told a Holocaust joke on television, she was subjected to the usual demands for an apology – but there was, of course, no question of calling for her arrest and imprisonment. As for Nazi humour, everyone in Britain knows John Cleese’s “funny Hitler walk” from Fawlty Towers, and younger comedians have followed in this tradition. Lastly, the ‘Nazi Pug Trial’ might have its immediate justification in Jewish interests, but it also fits into a longstanding crusade by British political power to silence people on the internet in the name of public safety (and it seems quite clear that the harsh treatment of Meechan is intended to serve as a warning to others).
I’m sure that plenty of explanations can be conjured up for this glaring double standard, but let’s leave those to the prosecutors and focus on the actual reasons for it. First of all, a call centre worker is not a politician, famous comedian or public figure, and has been subjected only to the lowest levels of a thought-policing that grows more intensive as one advances in the social hierarchy. Moreover, as is to be expected from the creatures of this politically-correct system, instances of anti-Semitic jesting by celebrities and elites are generally oriented in the “right” direction. Baron-Cohen’s Borat is one long Yiddish sneer at the imagined barbarism of Americana and ex-Soviet bloc peasants, and Harman’s remark was made in the context of a demand for even more censorship and political correctness.
There is no such subtext to Meechan’s joke (an objection customarily expressed in code words like “juvenile” and “tasteless”). Although there is no pro-Nazi sentiment either, one cannot be surprised that the political gendarmes are choosing to err on the side of caution – for surely turning to Nazism is just what young white males with pleb jobs and regional accents do? At the very least, Meechan’s video presumes to make light of the symbolism of Nazism and the Holocaust (code word of choice: “normalisation”), which must retain its aura of sacred horror for propaganda use in neo-imperialist wars and domestic repression campaigns. We do not have to believe, with the dullards at conservative newspapers and old-leftist redoubts like sp!ked, that police bureaucrats are in the grip of some sort of autistic disorder that causes them to overreact without good reason.
Here, then, we see the ethnic and political double standards fold into a fundamental class double standard. To discuss this, though, we must dispense with the outdated nineteenth-century class terms used in Britain (which are as pervasive there as in any leftist state run on a myth of popular liberation), updating them for the era of managerial dominance theorised by James Burnham. To make a rough working sketch of things, we can identify the following major class divisions in modern Britain and the West:
- The managerial elite, i.e. the people actually manning the levers of power, which is transmitted through the three major managerial institutions of government, corporations and media. This group is mostly white, disproportionately Jewish, and increasingly includes affirmative-action hirelings drawn from the foreign neo-proletariat. As I have pointed out elsewhere, it is increasingly alienated and transnational (Cosmopolitan) in orientation.
- The new upper class, a wider term for the privileged stratum extending outward from the centres of managerial power. This group is generally based in managerial institutions, identifies with the managerial state religion of progressivism, and sets the dominant tone in society. This group blends seamlessly with the managerial elite proper, but also includes all of those who do not directly exert power.
- The citizen class, a term for the majority populations of Western countries, encompassing what the outdated terminology refers to as the “working class” and low-to-mid-range “middle class” (there is increasingly no fundamental distinction between them to be made on the basis of ownership or living standards). This group overlaps heavily with white European identity, is associated with social order, does much of the productive labour, and is exploited and manipulated by the managerial elite and new upper class in alliance with the neo-proletariat.
- The neo-proletariat, a term encompassing the mass of the non-white immigrant population in the West, which owes its position and special protections to the two upper categories and serves them by undermining the citizen class.
The arrest of Mark Meechan for making a joke – as well as the broader eruption of manufactured hysteria in the West over “trolls”, “fake news”, “Russian hackers”, “online Nazis”, “offensive speech” and so on – can be understood as the latest chapter in a long saga of antagonism between the new upper class (and, more distantly, the managerial elite) and the citizen class. The catalyst in this case has been the development of the internet, which has wrested away the managerial stranglehold on mass communications and opened them up to members of the common mass of citizens. In this situation, as has so often been the case at analogous points in history, repressions and double standards that were previously implicit must be applied with a new rigour.
Take, for example, the case of trolling. Politicised trolling was adopted by the new upper class long before the rise of the internet; it even has a fancy French name, épater la bourgeoisie, which might be rendered in the modern class system as épater les citoyens. It was a way to profane the sacred symbols of the class enemy under the rubric of a convenient justification – “modern art”, “free expression”, whatever – and this activity became much easier and safer after the socially conservative leaders of the citizen class were reduced to political impotence. Notable examples of new upper class trolling include the endless public displays of ‘Piss Christ’, the display of a deformed woman’s likeness alongside Britain’s national heroes, the display of a butt plug masquerading as a Christmas tree in Paris (imagine the rube children asking their mothers about it!), and the entire career of anti-white journo Yasmin Alibhai-Brown.
But then along came the internet – initially welcomed by the new upper class as a wider medium for its brand of trolling – and developed into its present state. As a result, the creation of decent-quality content became easy and free; transmission of that content to millions no longer depended on the managerial media; and anonymity removed the need for official patronage by ensuring freedom from consequences. Thus, young members of the citizen class began to turn the tables and mock the sacred symbols of the managerial class: the doctrine of human equality that legitimises endless management of society, the neo-proletarian groups being imported into the West, and even the Nazi Holocaust that supposedly justifies every foreign war and political arrest.
And this is why trolling is now the worst thing since Trotskyite saboteurs in Stalin’s USSR, and a “threat to the cohesion of a mature democracy”, and people’s feeeelings are sacrosanct and to be protected at all times (although we still see Piss Christ and butt plugs and other poz flaunted before non-degenerates, because power structures or something). Not that I see any reason to suppose that the shock, rage and moral indignation that has been pouring out of these people ever since they first got punched back is anything other than genuine. Just as the privileged brats of antifa no longer want to pay for the stuff they smash after the fashion of the Bullingdon Club, the cowardly provocateurs of the new upper class do not have the aristocratic spirit to entertain any notion of giving one’s opponent a sporting chance.
We see the same forces at work in the #Gamergate controversy, which red-pilled a vast number of young men and brought such notables as Vox Day into the Alt-Right. As everyone in our circles knows, the managerial media (a.k.a. fake news) are waging a dirty war against the emergence of smarter and more honest competitors through the internet, and justifying themselves with reference to progressivist ideology: no-one who refuses to speak in PC, the new RP, can be allowed the privilege of a mass audience! But it stands to reason that gaming journalists – a despised subset of the profession whose lies and distortions do not enjoy the slightest public deference – should have been the first to start an outright war with their consumers while desperately thrusting their meagre legitimacy behind the skirts of “harassed women”. Their fear and hatred sputters on to this day in the form of an extraordinary hate campaign against Felix “PewDiePie” Kjellberg, another innocent man with an independent platform who dared to joke about the Nazis outside strict progressivist boundaries.
The class aspect of these events is often neglected by the Alt-Right, often in favour of other aspects such as race. But surely there is no other aspect that is as immediately intelligible to the majority of our people, or as likely to provoke in them the spirit of popular resistance. Most people in what I have called the citizen class do not understand the justifications for absolute free speech; they have a hard time grasping that the Western ruling elite is out to deceive and exploit them; and they either tune out or panic when the subject of Jewish power comes up.
However, people in Britain and elsewhere increasingly know the arrogance and entitlement of the managerial elite, and can quickly be moved to revulsion at its double standards and self-serving moralism. It is essential for us to mobilise this sentiment in them, because we need popular support to keep the internet a free market in ideas in which truth has the decisive advantage. Should it fall under the control of the establishment instead, it could just as easily be turned into an omnipotent control matrix like China’s proposed “social credit system”.
This means that, in defending ‘Nazi Pug Man’ from his accusers – and, by extension, defending our greatest weapon from those who would recast it into a yoke around our necks – we should choose to place a special emphasis on the class aspect. It is not enough for us to say that Mark Meechan did nothing wrong. We must also say that he did nothing for which he would have met with such a vicious punishment had he not been a white call centre worker from Coatbridge.